Has the Congress discarded secularism? It is a question that has troubled 40-year-old Sufi Anwarhusen Sheikh for some time now.
And there are many more in this Muslim ghetto, with an estimated population of five lakh, who would like a clear answer to this as they get ready to elect a new government in Gujarat.
But the dilemma is manifold.
Absence of a credible option has once again made Muslims reliant on the Congress despite resentment that the grand old party has dumped them for the influential Patidar community.
That apart, Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi’s temple visits during his campaign in the state has also made them think that the opposition party is adopting a soft-Hindutva approach in a bid to counter the BJP.
“Kya mujhe mandir jaana mana hai (Am I forbidden to visit temples)?” was Gandhi’s retort to reporters at Mandvi in Surat on Thursday.
Sheikh says the community has no issues with Gandhi’s temple run. “….But he should also visit the (Muslim) shrines,” says Sheikh, sipping tea on premises of a steel firm located on the service road along the Delhi-Mumbai highway.
He also realises the Congress’ dilemma, that if the party talks about Muslims, the BJP will exploit voters with the Hindutva agenda.
But this is not a new strategy for the Congress.
In 2007, Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s “maut ke saudagar (merchants of death)” barb on then Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi boomeranged in the assembly elections. This forced the party to avoid any mention of the 2002 anti-Muslims riots in subsequent polls.
More so now, as the party thinks it can see chinks in the BJP’s armour which has ruled Gujarat for 22 years.
Senior leader AK Antony, in a report on the reasons for the Congress’ debacle in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, observed that the perception of being pro-minorities proved counter-productive for the 131-year-old party.
Political observers say the fear that the BJP might go back to its hardline Hindutva agenda if it sensed trouble was forcing the Congress to change its strategy.
“Congress is facing a strange dilemma. If they are seen favouring the minorities, the majority community gets alienated. Moreover, the BJP’s aggressive use of Hindutva politics has also forced the Congress to adopt a soft-Hindutva line,” says political analyst Prakash Shah.
Congress spokesperson Kailash Kumar Gadhvi rejected the suggestion.
Shah, however, adds the Muslims have a “legitimate” complaint against the Congress.
“It is the only option for Muslims but for many years the party has not done much to ensure their adequate representation in mainstream politics,” he says.
The representation of Muslim legislators in the Gujarat assembly came down from 12 in 1980 to just two in 2012.
“BJP is like cyanide for us and Congress is like slow poison,” says Peerzada Mazhar Ahmed, a 50-year-old tailor who lives in the Maulana Azad Park Society.
Anwarhusen Sheikh, however, says it is not clear if the Congress will benefit by discarding KHAM, a strategy successfully implemented by former chief minister Madhavsinh Solanki by stitching a social coalition of Kshatriya, Harijan, Adivasi and Muslim in 1980.
Though the Congress managed to shift the balance of power from the Patel-Brahmins-Baniyas to OBCs, Dalits and tribals, winning 149 of 182 seats, the move alienated the upper castes, who later shifted their allegiance to the BJP.
While Muslims account for 9% of the state’s 60 million-odd population, Patidars constitute 12%.
“We no longer figure in Congress’ scheme of things. P (Patidars) has replaced M (Muslims) in their KHAM strategy ..Let’s see if it works,” says Anwarhusen Sheikh.
Is AAP an option?
The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is making its electoral debut in Gujarat in the assembly elections but residents of Juhapura doubt its ability to make any impact.
“They are fighting the elections just for the sake of it,” says 22-year-old car mechanic Reyaz Khan, pointing to Shakir Sheikh who is seeking an AAP ticket from the constituency. The AAP has declared that it will field candidates on limited seats in the to prevent any division of anti-BJP votes.
Juhapura, which housed the biggest relief camp during the 2002 riots, is part of the Vejalpur assembly constituency that also has around two lakh Hindu voters.
In the 2012 elections, BJP’s Kishorsinh Babulal Chauhan defeated Murtuza Khan Pathan by over 40,000 votes. The seat falls in the Gandhinagar Lok Sabha constituency represented by veteran BJP leader LK Advani.
Out of an estimated five lakh Muslim population in Juhapura, only 1.5 lakh are voters. A large number of them had migrated from other riot-affected areas but decided against going back.
The area was initially developed in 1973 by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for those who lost their homes in floods. Sarni Kamdar was the first housing society in the area.
As campaigning is yet to pick up, the usual hustle and bustle of elections is missing and no party has so far started canvassing in the area.
But the Muslims know what the burning issues will be – patriotism and nationalism – when the leaders start arriving.
“We are as nationalists as anyone else. We don’t want certificates of patriotism from anybody. I have never cheered the Pakistani cricket team in my life but still I am called a Pakistani,” says Mohammad Idrees, 30, who owns a shop at Fatehwadi.
Standing outside the Arabia Islamia madrasa, he says that students of the Islamic institution celebrate Independence Day with joy and pride.
Scars of 2002
Nasreen Bano, 48, avoids venturing out and gets anxious if her son doesn’t return by evening. “We are safe in Juhapura. If we go out, we feel scared,” she says.
Plumber Sajid Khan, 37, says that while a majority of his community members cannot forget the 2002 events, some have moved on.
Many Muslim professionals and businessmen who earlier refused to leave Juhapura have started exploring the outside world, IT professional Wasim Qureshi says.
But there are just a handful of Sajid Khans and Wasim Qureshis in what is one of India’s biggest Muslims ghettos.
HT
